Potential and limits of Italian populism

Our five readers will have noticed the long silence of clarissa.it in recent months. Too many events were confirming the analyses that our newspaper has produced in the now three lustres since its inception, from the events of the Middle East to those of our home-so we seemed to not have to do anything but repeat the classic and Odiosissimo: "We We had said it. " We have not therefore wanted to enter in the Affannata electoral controversy nor add comments to the many who have been wasted during the negotiations that have brought Italy today to have a government that certainly marks a novelty not only in the recent Italian history but also globally. From today it is finally possible to make observations that are not the result of momentary reaction but highlight the many possibilities that open to Italy and at the same time the real risks that it could run now that the Italian populism came to power. The fundamental positive element is that the Italian national sovereignty has returned to the question, that since the end of the Second World War it has been conculcated by the forces of the postwar history, because they are all radicatedly anti-national: the Catholic forces, as expressions of the temporal power of the Church; Those of social-communist origin, because of the internationalism that has always characterized them; Those of the Western liberal-capitalism, since the Anglo-Saxon preaching has always indicated in central-European nationalism the enemy to be demolished. What these internationalist ruling classes have produced is in the eyes of all: disappearance of the sense of community and of the superior collective interest; Drying of the "spirit of service" in the servants of the State; Loss of a centre of gravity cultural ideal, from the highest to the lowest levels of society; Zeroing an international autonomous role of Italy, as evidenced by our foreign policy; Enslavement to the Atlantic (economic, financial, political, military) power centers; Impossibility of an objective reading of our Unitarian history, and therefore of a conscience of the Italian mission in the contemporary world. The second positive aspect is that the laborious yellow-green pact has forced two parties to overcome at the same time both the partisan logic, in order to define a common platform of Action; Both the right-left logic, as such platform, even with all its obvious limits and contradictions, no longer responds to the political-ideological categories twentieth century. You can't do anything but say, "It was now!" But it must be immediately added that this characteristic, which is certainly what, after decades, makes in this moment of Italy a very important laboratory for the future of Europe and the world, is however also the aspect that must be immediately correlated to Obvious limits of the forces that are attempting change. The first of them is that neither the league nor the five-Star Movement have formed in these years in a careful and conscious way its own ruling class: the league for its small-bourgeois origin, of protest based on narrow economic interests of middle classes tarted By the economic crisis and by a strong state with weak and weak with the strong; The five-Star Movement for the technological-telematics obsession with which it was built, which always makes the ideal cohesion of the movement extremely tenuous and oscillating: it has been seen (and is not only and not so much a sign of opportunism, but of weakness Strategy), when the movement has changed some of the qualifying points of its foreign policy-specifically those relating to Nato and Russia-to mention two truly non-marginal examples.

We know how this inability to form spare executive classes has weighed on Italian history: you want in the post-Risorgimento Unitarian phase; You want to face the Great War; You want in the fascist period. It is the exception of the period have just concluded, for a very simple reason: The Italian post-war ruling class has always been shaped on the cast of Anglo-Saxon ones, which from this point of view have represented and still represent the dominant model : Just look at business executives, public grand commis, military executives, the world of the media, intellectuals and the university world. We also know that there will be no change in the Italian situation if the future government fails to undermine and effectively replace the governing frameworks of the state: from the ministerial to the regional ones, from those of the economic bodies and Controlled or participated by the state to the military and intelligence, to those of foreign policy. If new men are not coming, trained to a vision of Italy inspired by the sense of the national community and the defense of autonomy from the international powers conditioning, very little will be able to make any government "populist", because it or will be soon Realigned to the constituted order or will be swept away by the first monetary or economic crisis, real or provoked for this purpose. From here to the most general limit not only of Italian populism, but of the populisms in general, referring in particular to the North American ones (late nineteenth century; twenties and thirties) and South American (Peronism for all)-leaving for a moment by the populism Russian, which presents too specific aspects to be now taken here at reference. Populism has always had in fact as its intrinsic limit the lack of a historical conscience-with this we understand the clear vision of the real forces at stake in the relations of power. Focused on the immediate needs of the "people", very generically understood precisely because of a limited view of the world, was easily erased from political life: and it was just when it could instead benefit enormously not only to the history American or Argentine, but even to the continental or world balances.

The responsibility of Italian populism is therefore precisely this: it comes to power in Italy at a time when all peoples, we must say precisely all peoples, starting from Europe, years for a change in the relationships that dominate life Economic-social, political, even cultural-educational. If the Italian populism succeeded in giving practically effective indications, it could actually put itself at the head of an epochal renewal, that the richness of ideas and experiences of Italy can surely nourish with great energy. For this to happen, however, there needs to be a clear reading of the existing global power ratios; A coherent interpretation of the reasons that have determined them and retain them; The ability to propose a different model of social organization responding to the needs of our times. On clarissa.it we have always talked about it: on the first point we underline the question of Anglo-Saxon hegemony; On the second aspect, we propose a non-conformist re-reading of the events that, through the two world conflicts, led to this kind of Europe, and of Italy in it; With regard to the third aspect, we indicate as a real prospect of change that of the triarticulation of the social organism, as it indicates how we can escape the grip of the global oligarchies, giving free autonomous representation to Labor forces and those of culture, alongside a state that finds in the homeland the expression of the mission of a people.

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