On 7 December 2017, a few days before the end of the XVII legislature of the Republic, the third report was handed over, concluding the work of the parliamentary committee of Inquiry into the abduction and death of Aldo Moro, the so-called “Fioroni’s Commission”: works of which we were among the very few to deal extensively on clarissa.it, on the occasion of the presentation of the second report, in December 2016. The silence that is also following this time the full publication in the parliamentary acts of this document (Doc. XXIII, N. 29) It is an impressive symptom of how much the truth about our political history has been systematically manipulated by our ruling class and, consequently, has no longer any impact on an increasingly inert and dishewed Italy. We had already mentioned some of the most important innovations that emerged from the work of the Commission and presented in the previous report: In this case too, there are many elements that merit study and reflection.
Suffice here to cite the role of a character like Giorgio Conforto, on which any half-notch investigator would linger long. Presenting himself publicly as a leftist, he collaborates from 1933 and at least until 1941 with the secret information Office of the Foreign Ministry and with Guido Leto, head of the political police; It passes in 1946 to provide information to James Angleton of the American OSS and, of preserves, to the well-known prefect Federico Umberto D’Amato, responsible the latter of the office reserved for the whole time of the strategy of the tension, in line with the merits Acquired during the war, merits that they deserved the American Bronze Star. Comfort, whose daughter will host Morucci and Faranda in hiding, is therefore a key figure to understand what happened in Italy during the Cold War: the commission says, in fact, “to believe that the spy role of comfort in favor of the USSR was as Less balanced by its function of confidant or source of the Italian police structures “( p. 101), a function of which the Commission has finally confirmed incontrovertible from the hearing of a senior officer of our secret services.
It confirms the condition of Italy after the defeat in the Second World War, that of a free land where the USA and the USSR cooperate when necessary in the management of terrorism, when the destabilization is used to ensure the stable Location in the Nato area, to which Italy has been assigned by the Yalta agreements, and from which it must not go out. It is not surprising in this context what emerged from the Commission’s work also on the question of the real placement of the prison of Aldo Moro, which is now hypothesizes to have found its seat in one of the condominiums of via Maxima 91, in Rome. That is to say in an area (owned by a well-known Vatican bank) in which many companies, institutions and personalities are located in the world where they collide, interact and treat the strong powers that act in our country: The Atlantic World, the Catholic Church, the Massonerie, the then Soviet empire. We said it at the beginning: What is more striking than the relationship is much more. Something that in a given and conscious people should arouse a strong reaction, because here we have one of the most dramatic proofs of what, in the shelter of the articulated system of parties that maneuver our refined parliamentary democracy, is denied to the Italians the basic right of a true democracy – the knowledge of the truth about the condition of Italy.
The Commission in fact reconstructs, with names and surnames, the negotiation carried out by representatives of the Red Brigades on the way to dissolution with the summits of the Italian institutions, through security services and information channels managed by the world Ecclesiastical. The purpose of this operation, writes verbatim the Commission was the “stabilization of a” partial truth “on the Moro case, functional to a closing operation of the season of terrorism that espungesse the most controversial aspects, from the responsibilities of individuals belonging to parties and movements, to the role of that large armed party, well rooted in political extremism, of which the Red Brigades constituted one of the most significant expressions, but certainly not the only one “(p. 139). There is therefore a well-constructed and successful “attempt to intervene with President Cossiga, with parts of the political world and with SISDE, since 1984-1985, and to construct, in the declarations to Imposimato, a precise political-judicial perimeter within which it It was supposed to move the reconstruction of the Moro affair. All in the context of the elaboration of the law on dissociation that would in some way “canonized” a guaranteed position, in which Morucci and the other dissociated could release, in the Ways and times they considered congruous, witness elements”.
For those who have not superficial knowledge of what happened in the so-called “years of Lead”, and more generally in the season of the strategy of tension, these statements are of extraordinary gravity. In fact, they confirm the moral and political responsibility of men at the highest levels of the Italian state (Cossiga and Andreotti to make only two apical names), who, with extreme lucidity, managed the construction of that “truthful truth” on the two Sides of the so-called opposing extremes, of which they had been among the most unscrupulous instrumentalizers. Towards “red” terrorism, through the management of the Morucci memorial on the Moro case; To the “black”, through the skilful dosage of information reductively manipulated on the Gladio case-at the time when this was vital for two very clear reasons: to prevent the direction of the apparatuses born in the strategy of Stabilisation through destabilization; Secondly, to confirm their role as guarantors of Italian alignment with the international system of partition of world power. This parallel action concludes in fact in precise temporal coincidence, in the summer of 1990, that is to say when, fallen the Berlin Wall, it was necessary in all haste to prepare for a future in which it was clearly clear the role of only hegone power Of the United States of America and Nato apparatus used in the stabilisation in its field of the entire Western Europe.
It was therefore necessary to “re-credit” for the future, on the one hand, and to cover our shoulders for the past, on the other. For those who follow from the beginning the work conducted, in the judiciary and even more in the historical study, by Vincenzo Vinciguerra about precisely the strategy he called destabilization to stabilize – we find here the clearest confirmation of what Vinciguerra has worked for the truth-just when, not only the principals, but also all the epigons of instrumental terrorisms, red and black, have preferred to shut themselves in the protected area of “truths”, the one managed wisely by the Director Atlantic. If in regard to one’s individual conduct everyone is recalled to fundamental questions on which it is useless here to spend words-on the plane of the history of Italy, we can say that we are facing, with this report of the Commission, the evidence of a betrayal Of our people who have little to envy to what happened on September 8, 1943, and that indeed is placed in full historical continuity with it. In both cases, in fact, the institutional holders of the power of the state have defended this power to the detriment of the sovereignty, independence, identity and mission of contemporary Italy. No surprise therefore, if in some notes of the Judge Giovanni Falcone also published last December, among the names of those who represented the possible “fourth level” of the Mafia, back the name of that Vito Guarrasi, present at Cassibile in 1943 To sign the armistice that of September 8 is the indisputable premise, he then worked as one of the main men of the state-Mafia junction.
No surprise therefore if, closed because the season of the strategy of the red-black tension, was the mafia to take charge of the new strategy of tension, in the same months when the old followers of the Italian system of the Cold War They were concerned to delimit clearly, in protection of their own survival, the perimeter of the truth that could be said. Therefore, it is impossible for us today to accept, if we are looking for true truths and not just those “sayable”, the genuflect of the Italian media in commemorating the anniversary of the killing of Piersanti Mattarella, when even in that case a Possible truth has long been strictly demarcated, as it is also placed in the same season of destabilization to stabilize, that that a few months later would lead to one of its most impressive episodes, the slaughter of dozens of Italian innocents at the railway station in Bologna.
Consequently, the questions about everything that is now said ritually, for example to the students of Italian schools, on the fight against the Mafia are inevitable: if you include in this information to the young people the illustration of the history of State-Mafia, it is necessary in the name of the truth to trace the occult covenants which allowed the American landing in Sicily and which allowed the armistice of Cassibile; It is necessary to make also mention of art. 16 of the peace treaty, with the protection it accorded among others to the mafiosi; As well as the famous response that on this subject gave the poor Aldo Moro, on June 20, 1974, to a question of the on. Carraro, then president of the Antimafia, answer as ever revealing of the fundamental task that the leaders of the Italian state have assigned to themselves: to perimeter the truth so that it can be said. The same truth that Moro has thus paid with his own life, along with that of the men of his escort: with the difference that the true truth the latter were probably completely unaware, and thus remain among the innocent victims.
